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By Chris Wrigley

This spouse brings jointly 32 new essays by means of top historians to supply a reassessment of British heritage within the early 20th century. The members current lucid introductions to the literature and debates on significant facets of the political, social and monetary heritage of england among 1900 and 1939.

  • Examines arguable matters over the social impression of the 1st global conflict, in particular on girls
  • Provides titanic insurance of alterations in Wales, Scotland and eire in addition to in England
  • Includes a considerable bibliography, so as to be a priceless advisor to secondary assets

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24 Baldwin commanded unusual respect across party boundaries, and his claim upon shared values was so impressive that he could even embarrass and disarm Labour critics. 25 At an early stage, however, Baldwin stumbled badly. The large Labour party advance at the 1922 election and the persistence of high unemployment convinced him that Labour domination could soon become irresistible, unless pre-empted by a dramatic demonstration of Unionist good intentions towards the working population. He proposed not only to revive the most positive Unionist economic policy – tariff reform, now openly called ‘protection’ – but also to call an early general election on the issue.

So intense was the disagreement that Chamberlain and other senior Unionist 14 philip williamson ex-ministers, the ‘Chamberlainites’, refused to serve in a Unionist government – the first in seventeen years – formed by Bonar Law, reluctantly returning from retirement to become prime minister. The November 1922 general election seemed to vindicate the anti-coalitionist claim that the Unionist party could succeed on its own – and it did so despite its divided leadership. Yet reassertion of the party’s independence by no means guaranteed its longer-term dominance.

Defence of free trade reunited the Asquith and Lloyd George Liberals and gave them a perfect cause on which to revive their party. 2). This emphasized the strategic problem of a three-party system and began the first of two phases, in 1924 and 1931, of ruthless Unionist-Conservative actions against their opponents which resolved the problem in their favour, and which enabled the party’s other strengths – in electoral structure, organization and ideology – to become effective. Given the aim of assembling an anti-Labour majority, the crucial issue was the allegiance of Liberal voters and ‘moderates’ or ‘mugwumps’ committed neither to Labour nor to Conservatives.

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