By Oliver E. Glenn
This quantity is made out of electronic pictures from the Cornell collage Library old arithmetic Monographs assortment.
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More subtle is the process by which, through what may well be considered and reasonable engagement, the non-state comes to be closely associated with the state. 3 Many NGOs are, in effect, contractors for states: they therefore know their limits. Even less calculable, but plain to anyone to understand, is the situation whereby the very participation in a policy debate, in an apparently open exchange of views, leads to erosion of an NGO's autonomy and programme, in an effort, idealistically motivated, to keep the door open to states.
The dif®culties with this work were, however, considerable. One was that to which we shall return, historical perspective. A second was a tendency to oversell the non-state and undersell the state. 2 A fourth problem, speci®c perhaps to IR, was a certain loss of nerve on the part of the proponents of these arguments: Keohane, for example, who in the l970s had stressed the decline of the state, was to revert, in After Hegemony, to a more positive evaluation of the state and a greater emphasis upon its role in managing the world economy (Keohane 1984).
Human rights, meaning in this case the rights of individuals with regard to state and other oppression, has become universally espoused by states, even those that set up GINGOs to obscure the issue: here much credit must go to Amnesty, established by lawyers in London in 1961. Developed Western states have come a long way in this regard: certainly, there is hypocrisy; certainly, state interests (as, in the l970s, with the US interest in Cold War pressure on the communist world) play a role. But that is not the whole story.