By Sarwar Kashmeri
American overseas coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything rather amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. now not real, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is lifeless, can't be mounted, and has to be renegotiated. It has now not grown to deal with Europe's emergence as a big strength. a type of usa of Europe, with overseas priorities diverse from these of the us, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the US continues to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly battle realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the ecu Union to fall into step, and record for provider as needed—under American leadership.Europe, even if, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the international degree, competing visions of eu management have emerged. The Iraq battle has introduced them into stark aid. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq used to be extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it used to be a couple of department among American ambitions and eu pursuits. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. due to the Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American precise dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in accordance with a distinct dating with the ecu Union. This schedule is electrified by means of the suggestions of the leaders who spoke to the writer particularly for this publication, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British major minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley okay. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Extra resources for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
Second, Europe is the United States’ most natural ally in the fight against terrorism. Both share a common idea of an individual’s place in society and relationship to government; the concepts of democracy and liberty are woven into the fabric of the alliance. Facing an uncertain future scarred by the general availability of destructive technologies and a growing clash between competing visions of statehood, the alliance can substantially increase the odds that freedom will prevail. America may have the most powerful military force in the world by far, but “there is a crying need not just to kill terrorists, but to try and figure out what kind of a phenomenon it is and how to deal with it at its roots,” Scowcroft says.
Many people took the view it was an excessive reaction, not a view Major shares. But “What one has to bear in mind is there are two European nations in particular that have a very close relationship with what, generically, you can call the Middle East. One is Britain, and the other is France. The siting of intermediaterange ballistic missiles (ICBMs) in the 1980s provoked great hostility, especially in Germany, which, after World War II, has had a wholly different identity, looks very warily at its twentieth-century past, “and has, as a result of that, the strongest, most powerful, and most virile peace movement anywhere in Europe,” Major said.
But then it became a question of how and when to remove Hussein, and the strategy and tactics of “taking care” of him, and that is when it [the consensus] broke down. ” Given that nobody on either side of the Atlantic wanted to salvage Saddam Hussein, it must surely rank as one of America’s major diplomatic failures that it was unable to cobble together an Iraqi policy with the Europeans prior to launching a war. Clark, Baker, and Scowcroft on Going to War Would a few more weeks’ delay really have made a big difference to the success or failure of the enterprise?